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Tag: Indian Constitution

  • Parliamentary System

    In this article, we will discuss Parliamentary System. So, let’s get started.

    Parliamentary System

    The Constitution of India provides for a parliamentary form. of government, both at the Centre and in the states. Articles 74 and 75 deal with the parliamentary system at the Centre and Articles 163 and 164 in the states. Modern democratic governments are classified into parliamentary and presidential on the basis of nature of relations between the executive and the legislative organs of the government. The parliamentary system of government is the one in which the executive is responsible to the legislature for its policies and acts, The presidential system of government, on the other hand, is one in which the executive is not responsible to the legislature for its policies and acts, and is constitutionally independent of the legislature in respect of its term of office.

    The parliamentary government is also Known as cabinet government or responsible government or Westminster model of government and is prevalent in Britain, Japan, Canada, India among others. The presidential government, on the other hand, is also known as non-responsible or nonparliamentary or fixed executive system of government and is prevalent in USA, Brazil, Russia, Sri Lanka among others.

    Ivor Jennings called the parliamentary system as ‘cabinet system’ because the cabinet is the nucleus of power in a parliamentary system. The parliamentary government is also known as ‘responsible government’ as the cabinet (the real executive) is accountable to the Parliament and stays in office so long as it enjoys the latter’s confidence. It is described as ‘Westminster model of government’ after the location of the British Parliament, where the parliamentary system originated. In the past, the British constitutional and political experts described the Prime Minister as ‘primus inter pares’ (first among equals) in relation to the cabinet. In the recent period, the Prime Minister’s power, influence and position have increased significantly vis-a-vis the cabinet. He has come to play a ‘dominant role in the British politico-administrative system. Hence, the later political analysts, like Cross-man, Mackintosh and others have described the British system of government as ‘prime ministerial government. The same description holds good in the Indian context too.

  • Making of Indian Constitution (Part-2)

    In this article, we will discuss Making of Indian Constitution (Part-2). So, let’s get started.

    Changes by the Independence Act

    The representatives of the princely states, who had stayed away from the Constituent Assembly, gradually joined it. On April 28, 1947, representatives of the six states’ were part of the Assembly. After the acceptance of the Mountbatten Plan of June 3, 1947, for the partition of the country, the representatives of most of the other princely states took their seats in the Assembly, The members of the Muslim League from the Indian Dominion also entered the Assembly, The Indian Independence Act of 1947 made the following three changes in the position of the Assembly:

    The Assembly was made a fully sovereign body, which could frame any Constitution it pleased. The act empowered the Assembly to abrogate or alter any law made by the British Parliament
    in relation to India,

    The Assembly also became a legislative body. In other words, two separate functions were assigned to the Assembly, that is, making of the Constitution for free India and enacting of ordinary laws for the country. These two tasks were to be performed on separate days. Thus, the Assembly became the first Parliament of free India (Dominion Legislature). Whenever the Assembly met as the Constituent body it was chaired by Dr. Rajendra Prasad and when it met as the legislative body, it was chaired by G. V. Mavlankar. These two functions continued till November 26, 1949, when the task of making the Constitution was over.

    The Muslim League members (hailing from the areas included in the Pakistan) withdrew from the Constituent Assembly for India. Consequently, the total strength of the Assembly came down to 299 as against 389 originally fixed in 1946 under the Cabinet Mission Plan. The strength of the Indian provinces (formerly British Provinces) was reduced from 296 to 229 and those of
    the princely states from 93 to 70. The state-wise membership of the Assembly as on December 31, 1947, is shown in.

    Other Functions Performed

    In addition to the making of the Constitution and enacting of ordinary laws, the Constituent Assembly also performed the following functions:

    It ratified the India’s membership of the Commonwealth in May 1949.
    It adopted the national flag on July 22, 1947.
    It adopted the national anthem on January 24, 1950.

    It adopted the national song on January 24, 1950.
    It elected Dr. Rajendra Prasad as the first President of India on January 24, 1950. In all, the Constituent Assembly had 11 sessions over two years, 11 months and 18 days. The Constitution-makers had gone through the Constitutions of about 60 countries, and the Draft Constitution was considered for 114 days. The total expenditure incurred on making the Constitution amounted to 64 lakh.

    On January 24, 1950, the Constituent Assembly held its final session. It, however, did not end, and continued as the provisional parliament of India from January 26, 1950, till the formation of new Parliament after the first general elections in 1951-52.

  • Making of Indian Constitution (Part-1)

    In this article, we will discuss Making of Indian Constitution (Part-1). So, let’s get started.

    Making of the Constitution

    Demand for a Constituent Assembly

    It was in 1934 that the idea of a Constituent Assembly for India was put forward for the first time by M.N. Roy, a pioneer of communist movement in India. In 1935, the Indian National Congress (INC), for the first time, officially demanded a Constituent Assembly to frame the Constitution of India. In 1938, Jawaharlal Nehru, on behalf the INC declared that ‘the Constitution of free India
    must be framed, without outside interference, by a Constituent Assembly elected on the basis of adult franchise’.
    The demand was finally accepted in principle by the British Government in what is known as the ‘August Offer’ of 1940. In 1942, Sir Stafford Cripps, a Member of the Cabinet, came to India with a draft proposal of the British Government on the framing of an independent Constitution to be adopted after the World War II. The Cripps Proposals were rejected by the Muslim League, which wanted India to be divided into two autonomous states with two separate Constituent
    Assemblies. Finally, a Cabinet Mission’ was sent to India. While it rejected the idea of two Constituent Assemblies, it put forth a scheme for the Constituent Assembly which more or less satisfied the Muslim League,

    Composition of the Constituent Assembly
    The Constituent Assembly was constituted in November 1946 under the scheme formulated by the Cabinet Mission Plan.

    The features of the scheme were:

    The total strength of the Constituent Assembly was to be 389. Of these, 296 seats were to be allotted to British India and 93 seats to the princely states. Out of 296 seats allotted to the British India, 292 members were to be drawn from the eleven governors’ provinces and four from the four Chief Commissioners’ provinces, one from each.

    Each province and princely state (or group of states in case of small states) were to be allotted seats in proportion to their respective population. Roughly, one seat was to be allotted for every million population.

    Seats allocated to each British province were to be divided among the three principal communities-Muslims, Sikhs and General (all except Muslims and Sikhs), in proportion to their population.

    The representatives of each community were to be elected by members of that community in the provincial legislative assembly and voting was to be by the method of proportional representation by means of single transferable vote.

    The representatives of the princely states were to be nominated by the heads of
    the princely states.

    It is, thus, clear that the Constituent Assembly was to be a partly elected and partly
    nominated body. Moreover, the members were to be indirectly elected by the members
    of the provincial assemblies, who themselves were elected on a limited franchise.
    The elections to the Constituent Assembly (for 296 seats allotted to the British Indian
    Provinces) were held in July-August 1946. The Indian National Congress won 208 seats,
    the Muslim League 73 seats and the small groups and independents got the remaining
    15 seats. However, the 93 seats allotted to the princely states were not filled as they decided to stay away from the Constituent Assembly. Although the Constituent Assembly was not directly elected by the people of India on the basis of adult franchise, the Assembly comprised representatives of all sections of the Indian society – Hindus, Muslims, Sikhs, Parsis, Anglo-Indians, Indian Christians, SCs, Sts including women of all these sections. The Assembly included all important personalities of India at that time, with the exception of Mahatma Gandhi.

    Working of the Constituent Assembly

    The Constituent Assembly held its first meeting on December 9, 1946. The Muslim
    League boycotted the meeting and insisted on a separate state of Pakistan. The meeting was, thus, attended by only 211 members. Dr. Sachchidananda Sinha, the oldest member, was elected as the temporary President of the Assembly, following the French practice.
    Later, Dr. Rajendra Prasad was elected as the President of the Assembly. Similarly, both
    H.C. Mukherjee and V.T. Krishnamachari were elected as the Vice-Presidents of the
    Assembly. In other words, the Assembly had two Vice-Presidents.

    Objectives Resolution

    On December 13, 1946, Jawaharlal Nehru moved the historic ‘Objectives Resolution’ in
    the Assembly. It laid down the fundamentals and philosophy of the constitutional   structure . It read:

    This constituent Assembly declares its firm and solemn resolve to proclaim India as an Independent Sovereign Republic and to dtaw up for her future governance a Constitution:

    Wherein the territories that now comprise British India, the rerritories that now from the Indian States and such other parts of India as are outside India and the States as well as other territories as are willing to be constituted into the independent sovereign India, shall be a Union of them all; and

    wherein the said territories, whether with their present boundaries or with such others as may be determined by the Constituent Assembly and thereafter according to the law of the
    Constitution, shall possess and retain the status of autonomous units together with residuary powers and exercise all powers and functions of Government and administration save and except such powers and functions as are vested in or assigned to the Union or as are inherent or implied in the Union or resulting therefrom; and

    wherein all power and authority of the sovereign independent India, its constituent parts and organs of Government are derived from the people; and

    wherein shall be guaranteed and secured to all the people of India justice, social, economic and political; equality of status of opportunity, and before the law; freedom of thought, expression, belief, faith, worship, vocation, association and action, subject to law and public morality; and

    wherein adequate safeguards shall be provided for minorities, backward and tribal areas, and depressed and other backward classes; and

    whereby shall be maintained the integrity of the territory of the Republic and its sovereign rights on land, sea and air according to justice and the law of civilized nations; and

    This ancient land attains its rightful and honoured place in the world and makes its full and willing contribution to the promotion of world peace and the welfare of mankind”.

    This Resolution was unanimously adopted by the Assembly on January 22, 1947. It influenced the eventual shaping of the constitution through all its subsequent stages. Its modified version forms the Preamble of the present Constitution.

  • Features of Cabinet Committees

    In this article, we will discuss Features of Cabinet Committees. So, let’s get started.

    Features of Cabinet Committees

    The following are the features of Cabinet Committees:
    They are extra-constitutional in emergence. In other words, they are not mentioned in the Constitution. However, the Rules of Business provide for their establishment.
    They are of two types-standing and ad hoc. The former are of a permanent nature while the latter are of a temporary nature. The ad hoc committees are constituted from time to time to deal with special problems. They are disbanded after their task is completed.
    They are set up by the Prime Minister according to the exigencies of the time and requirements of the situation. Hence, their number, nomenclature, and composition varies from time to time.
    Their membership varies from three to eight. They usually include only Cabinet Ministers. However, the non-cabinet Ministers are not debarred from their membership.
    They not only include the Ministers in charge of subjects covered by them but also include other senior Ministers.
    They are mostly headed by the Prime Minister. Some times other Cabinet Ministers, particularly the Home Minister or the Finance Minister, also acts as their Chairman. But, in case the Prime Minister is a member of a committee, he invariably presides over it.
    They not only sort out issues and formulate proposals for the consideration of the
    Cabinet, but also take decisions. However, the Cabinet can review their decisions.
    They are an organisational device to reduce the enormous workload of the Cabinet. They also facilitate in-depth examination of policy issues and effective coordination. They are based on
    the principles of division of labour and effective delegation.

    List of Cabinet Committees

    In 1994, there were the following 13 Cabinet Committees:
    Cabinet Committee on Political Affairs
    Cabinet Committee on Natural Calamities
    Cabinet Committee on Parliamentary Affairs
    Appointments Committee of the Cabinet
    Cabinet Committee on Accommodation
    Cabinet Committee on Foreign Investment
    Cabinet Committee on Drug Abuse Control
    Cabinet Committee on Prices
    Cabinet Committee on Minority Welfare
    Cabinet Committee on Economic Affairs
    Cabinet Committee on Trade and Investment
    Cabinet Committee on Expenditure
    Cabinet Committee on Infrastructure
    In 2013, the following 10 Cabinet Committees
    were in existence:
    Cabinet Committee on Economic Affairs
    Cabinet Committee on Prices
    Cabinet Committee on Political Affairs
    Appointments Committee of the Cabinet
    Cabinet Committee on Security
    Cabinet Committee on World Trade Organisation (WTO) Matters
    Cabinet Committee on Investment
    Cabinet Committee on Unique Identification Authority of India (UIDAI) related issues
    Cabinet Committee on Parliamentary Affairs
    Cabinet Committee on Accommodation

    At present (2019), the following & Cabinet Committees are functional:
    Cabinet Committee on Political Affairs
    Cabinet Committee on Economic Affairs
    Appointments Committee of the Cabinet
    Cabinet Committee on Security
    Cabinet Committee on Parliamentury Affairs
    Cabinet Committee on Accommodation
    Cabinet Committee on Investment and Growth
    Cabinet Committee on Employment and Skill Development

    Functions of Cabinet Committees
    The following four are the more important cabinet committees:
    The Political Affairs Comınittee deals with all policy matters pertaining to domestic and foreign affairs.
    The Economic Affairs Committee directs and coordinates the governmental activities in the economic sphere.
    Appointments Committee decides all higher level appointments in the Central Secretariat, Public Enterprises, Banks and Financial Institutions.
    Parliamentary Affairs Committee looks after the progress of government business in the Parliament.

    The first three committees are chaired by the Prime Minister and the last one by the Home Minister of all the Cabinet Committees, the most powerful is the Political Affairs Committee, often described as a “Super-Cabinet”.

    Group of Ministers
    In ad Group look into different issues / subjects. Some of  these GOMs are empowered to take decisions on be half of the Cabinet whereas the others make recommendations to the Cabinet.
    The institution of GoMs has become aviable and effective instrument of coordination among the ministries. These are ad hoc bodies formed to give recommendations to the cabinet on certain emergent issues and critical problem areas. Ministers heading the concerned ministries are inducted into the relevant GOMs and when the advice is crystallised they are disbanded.
    The Second Administrative Reform Commission (2005-2009) made the following observations and recommendations with respect to the working of the GoMs:
    The Commission observed that the constitution of a large number of GoMs has resulted in many GoMs not being able to meet regularly to complete their work thus leading to significant delays on many major issues.
    The Commission felt that more selective use of the institution of GoMs would perhaps lead to more effective coordination particularly if they are empowered to arrive at a decision on behalf of the Cabinet with time limits that are prescribed for completing the work entrusted to them.
    The Commission recommended that there is need to ensure that the existing coordination mechanism of GoMs function effectively and helps in early resolution of issues. Selective, but effective use of GoMs with clear mandate and prescribed time limits would be helpful.

  • Implementation of Directive Principles

    In this article, we will discuss Implementation of Directive Principles. So, let’s get started.

    Implementation of Directive Principles

    Since 1950, the successive governments at the Centre and in the states have made several laws and formulated various programmes for implementing the Directive Principles, These are mentioned bellow:

    The Planning Commission was established in 1950 to take up the development of the country in a planned manner. The successive Five Year Plans aimed at securing socio-economic justice and reducing inequalities of income, status and opportunities. In 2015, the Planning Commission was replaced by a new body called NITI Aayog (National Institution for Transforming India).

    Almost all the states have passed land reform laws to bring changes in the agrarian society and to improve the conditions of the rural masses. These measures include (a) abolition of  intermediaries like zamindars, jagirdars, inamdars, etc; (b) tenancy reforms like security of tenure, fair rents, etc; (C) imposition of ceilings on land holdings; (d) distribution of surplus land among the landless labourers; and (c) cooperative farming.

    The Minimum Wages Act (1948), the Payment of Wages Act (1936), the Payment of Bonus Act (1965), the Contract Labour Regulation and Abolition Act (1970), the Child Labour Prohibition and Regulation Act (1986), the Bonded Labour System Abolition Act (1976), the Trade Unions Act (1926), the Factories Act (1948), the Mines Act (1952), the Industrial Disputes Act (1947), the Workmen’s Compensation Act (1923) and so on have been enacted to protect the interests of the labour sections. In 2006, the government banned the child labour. In 2016, the Child Labour Prohibition and Regulation Act (1986) was renamed as the Child and Adolescent Labour Prohibition and Regulation Act, 1986.

    The Maternity Benefit Act (1961) and the Equal Remuneration Act (1976) have been made to protect the interests of women workers.

    Various measures have been taken to utilise the financial resources for promoting the common good. These include nationalisation of life insurance (1956), the nationalisation of fourteen leading commercial banks (1969), nationalisation of general insurance (1971), abolition of Privy Purses (1971) and so on.

    The Legal Services Authorities Act (1987) has established a nation-wide network to provide free and competent legal aid to the poor and to organise lok adalat for promoting equal justice. Lok adalat is a statutory forum for conciliatory settlement of legal disputes. It has been given the status of a civil court. Its awards are enforceable, binding on the parties and final as no appeal lies before any court against them.

    Khadi and Village Industries Board, Khadi and Village Industries Commission, Small-Scale Industries Board, National Small Industries Corporation, Handloom Board, Handicrafts Board, Coir Board, Silk Board and so on have been set up for the development of cottage industries in rural areas.

    The Community Development Programme (1952), Hill Area Development Programme (1960), Drought-Prone Area Programme (1973), Minimum Needs Programme (1974), Integrated Rural Development Programme (1978), Jawahar Rozgar Yojana (1989), Swarnajayanti Gram Swarozgar Yojana (1999), Sampoorna Grameena Rozgar Yojana (2001), National Rural Employment Guarantee Programme (2006) and so on have been launched for raising the standard of living of people.

    The Wildlife (Protection) Act, 1972 and the Forest (Conservation) Act, 1980, have been enacted to safeguard the wildlife and the forests respectively. Further, the Water and Air Acts have provided for the establishment of the Central and State Pollution Control Board, which are engaged in the protection and improvement of environment. The National Forest Policy (1988) aims at the protection, conservation and development of forests.

    Agriculture has been modernised by providing improved agricultural inputs, seeds, fertilisers and irrigation facilities .Various steps have also been taken to organise animal husbandry on modern and scientific lines. Three-tier panchayati raj system (at village, taluka and zila levels) has been introduced to translate into reality Gandhiji’s dream of every village being a republic. The 73rd Amendment Act.( (1992) has been enacted to provide constitutional status and protection to these panchayati raj institutions.

    Seats are rezerved for SCs, STs, and otherweaker section in educational institutions government services and representative bodies,  The Untouchability ( Offencess) Ct. 1955, which was renamed as the protection of Civil Rights Act in 1976 and the scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes ( Prewention of Atrocities) Act, 1989, have been enacted to protect the SCs and STs from social injustice and exploitation . The 65th Constitutional Amendment Act of 1990 established the National Commission for Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes to protect. the interests of SCs and STs. Latter, the 89th Constitutional Amendment Act of 2003 bifurcated this combined commission into two separate bodies, namely, National Commission for Schedule Castes and National Commission for schedule Tribes.

    Various national-level commission have been established to promote and  protect the social, educational and economic interests of the weaker sections of the society. These include the National Commission for Backward Classes (1993), the National Commission for Minorities (1993), the National Commission for Women (1992) and the National Commission for Protection of Chjld Rights (2007). Further, the 102 Amendment Act of 2018 conferred a constitutional status on the National Commission for Backward classes and also enlarged its functions.

    In 2019, the central government issued orders providing 10% reservation to the Economically Weaker Sections (EWS) in admission to educational institutions and civil posts and services in
    the Government of India. The benefit. of this reservation can be availed by the persons belonging to EWSs who are not covered under any of the existing schemes of reservations for SCs, STS and OBCs. This reservation was facilitated by the 1034 Amendment Act of 2019.

    The Criminal Procedure Code (1973) separated the judiciary from the executive in the public services of the state. Prior to this separation, the district authorities like the collector, the sub-divisional officer, the tehsildar and so on used to exercise judicial powers along with the traditional executive powers. After the separation, the judicial powers were taken away from these executive authorities and vested in the hands of districtjudicial magistrates who work under the direct control of the state high court.

    The Ancient and Historical Monument and Archaeological Sites and Remains Act (1951) has been enacted to protect the monuments, places and objects of national importance.

    Primary health centres and hospitals have been established throughout the country to improve the public health. Also, special programmes have been launched to eradicate widespread diseases like malaria, TB, leprosy, AIDS, cancer, filaria, kala-azar, guineaworm, yaws, Japanese encephalitis and so on.

    Laws to prohibit the slaughter of cows, calves, and bullocks have been enacted in some states.

    Some state have initiated the old age pension schemes for people above 65 years.

    India has been following the policy of non-alignment and panchssheel to promote international peace and security.

    In spite of the above steps by the Central and state Governments, the Directive Principles have not been implemented fully and effectively due to several reasons like inadequate financial resources, unfavorable socio-economic conditions, population explosion, strained Center-state relations and so on.

  • Directives Outside Part-IV (Constitution of India)

    In this article, we will discuss Directives Outside Part-IV (Constitution of India). So, let’s get started.

    Directives outside Part IV (Constitution of India)

    Apart from the Directives included in Part. IV, there are some other Directives contained
    in other parts of the Constitution. They are:

    Claims of SCs and ST to Services: The claims of the members of the Scheduled Castes and the Scheduled Tribes shall be taken into consideration, consistently with the maintenance of efficiency of administration, in the making of appointments to services and posts in connection with the affairs of the Union or a State (Article 335 in Part XVI).

    Instruction in mother tongue: It shall be the endeavour of every state and every local authority within the state to provide adequate facilities for instruction in the mother-tongue at the primary stage of education to children belonging to linguistic minority groups (Article 350-A in Part XVII).

    Development of the Hindi Language: It shall be the duty of the Union to promote the spread of the Hindi language and to develop it so that it may serve as a medium of expression for all the elements of the composite culture of India (Article 351 in Part XVII).

    The above Directives are also non-justiciable in nature. However, they are also given equal importance and attention by the judiciary on the ground that all parts of the constitution must be read together.

  • Conflict between Fundamental Rights and Directive Principles

    In this article, we will discuss Conflict between Fundamental Rights and Directive Principles. So, let’s get started.

    Conflict between Fundamental Rights and Directive Principles

    The justiciability of Fundamental Rights and non-justiciability of Directive Principles on the one hand and the moral obligation of State to implement Directive Principles (Article 37) on the other hand have led to a conflict between the two since the commencement of the Constitution. In the Champakam Dorairajan case” (1951), the Supreme Court ruled that in case of any conflict between the Fundamental Rights and the Directive Principles, the former would prevail. It declared that the Directive Principles have to conform to and run as subsidiary to the Fundamental Rights. But, it also held that the Fundamental Rights could be amended by the Parliament by enacting constitutional amendment acts. As a result, the Parliament made the First Amendment Act (1951), the Fourth Amendment Act (1955) and the Seventeenth Amendment Act (1964) to implement some of the Directives.The above situation underwent a major change in 1967 following the Supreme Court’s judgement in the Golaknath case (1967). In that case, the Supreme Court ruled that the Parliament cannot take away or abridge any of the Fundamental Rights, which are ‘sacrosanct’ in nature. In other words, the Court held that the Fundamental Rights cannot be amended for the implementation of the Directive Principles. The Parliament reacted to the Supreme Court’s judgement in the Golaknath Case (1967) by enacting the 24th Amendment Act (1971) and the 25th Amendment Act (1971). The 24th Amendment Act declared that the Parliament has the power to abridge or take away any of the Fundamental Rights by enacting Constitutional Amendment Acts. The 25th Amendment Act inserted a new Article 31C which contained the following two provisions:

    No law which seeks to implement the socialistic Directive Principles specified in Aryicle 39 (b) and (c) shall be void on the ground of contravention of the Fundamental Rights conferred by Article 14 (equality before law and equal protection of laws), Article 19 (Protection of six rights in respect of speech , Assembly, movement,etc.) or Article 31 (right to property).
    No law containing a declaration for giving effect to such policy shall be questioned in any court on the ground that it does not give effect to such a policy.

    In the Keshvanand Bharati case (1973), the Supreme Court declared the above second provision of Article 31C as unconstitutional and invalid on the ground that judicial review is a basic feature of the Constitution and hence, cannot be taken away. However, the above first provision of Article 31C was held to be constitutional and valid.

    Later, the 42nd Amendment Act (1976) extended the scope of the above first provision of Article 31C by including within its protection any law to implement any of the Directive Principles and not merely those specified in Article 39 (b) and (c). In other words, the 42nd Amendment Act accorded the position of legal primacy and supremacy to the Directive Principles over the Fundamental Rights conferred by Articles 14, 19 and 31. However, this extension was declared as unconstitutional and invalid the Supreme Court in the Minerva Mills case (1980). It means that the Directive Principles review is a basic feature of the Constitution and hence, cannot be taken away. However, the above first provision of Article 31C was held to be constitutional and valid.
    Later, the 42nd Amendment Act (1976) extended the scope of the above first provision of Article 31C by including within its protection any law to implement any of the Directive Principles and not merely those specified in Article 39 (b) and (c) In other words, the 42nd Amendment Act accorded the position of legal primacy and supremacy to the Directive Principles over the Fundamental Rights conferred by Articles 14, 19 and 31. However, this extension was declared as unconstitutional and invalid the Supreme Court in the Minerva Mills case (1980). It means that the Directive Principles were once again made subordinate to the Fundamental Rights. But the Fundamental Rights conferred by Article 14 and Article 19 were accepted as subordinate to the Directive Principles specified in Article 39 (b) and (c). Further, Article 31 (right to property) was
    abolished by the 44th Amendment Act (1978). In the Minerva Mills case (1980), the Supreme Court also held that the Indian Constitution is founded on the bedrock of the balance between the Fundamental Rights and the Directive Principles. They together constitute the core of commitment to social revolution. They are like two wheels of a chariot, one no less than the other. To give absolute primacy to one over the other is to disturb the harmony of the Constitution. This harmony and balance between the two is an essential feature of the basic structure of the Constitution. The goals set out oy the Directive Principles have to be achieved without the abrogation of the means provided by the Fundamental Rights. Therefore, the present position is that the Fundamental Rights enjoy supremacy over the Directive Principles. Yet, this does not mean that the Directive Principles cannot be implemented. The Parliament can amend the Fundamental Rights for implementing the Directive Principles, so long as the amendment does not damage or destroy the basic structure of the Constitution.were once again made subordinate to the Fundamental Rights. But the Fundamental Rights conferred by Article 14 and Article 19 were accepted as subordinate to the Directive Principles specified in Article 39 (b) and (c) Further, Article 31 (right to property) was abolished by the 44th Amendment Act (1978). In the Minerva Mills case (1980), the Supreme Court also held that the Indian Constitution is founded on the bedrock of the balance between the Fundamental Rights and the Directive Principles. They together constitute the core of commitment to social revolution. They are like two wheels of a chariot, one no less than the other. To give absolute primacy to one over the other is to disturb the harmony of the Constitution. This harmony and balance between the two is an essential feature of the basic structure of the Constitution. The goals set out oy the Directive Principles have to be achieved without the abrogation of the means provided by the Fundamental Rights. Therefore, the present position is that the Fundamental Rights enjoy supremacy over the Directive Principles. Yet, this does not mean that the Directive Principles cannot be implemented. The Parliament can amend the Fundamental Rights for implementing the Directive Principles, so long as the amendment does not damage or destroy the basic structure of the Constitution.

  • Criticism of The Directive Principles

    In this article, we will discuss Criticism of The Directive Principles. So, let’s get started.

    Criticism of The Directive Principles

    The Directive Principles of State Policy have been criticized by some members of the Constituent Assembly as well as other constitutional and political experts on the following grounds:

    No Legal Force
    The Directives have been criticized mainly because of their non-justiciable character. While K.T. Shah dubbed them as ‘pious superfluities’ and compared them with ‘a cheque on a bank, payable only when the resources of the bank permit, Nasiruddin contended that these principles are ‘no better than the new year’s resolutions, which are broken on the second of January; Even as T.T. Krishna a harish described the Directive as ‘a veritable dustbin of sentiments ‘, KC Wheare called them as a ‘manifesto of aims and aspirations’ and opined that they serve as mere ‘moral homily’, and Sir Ivor Jennings thought they are only as ‘pious aspirations.

    IIIogically Arranged
    Critics opine that the Directives are not arranged in a logical manner based on a consistent philosophy According to N Srinivasan the Directives are neither properly classified nor logically arranged. The declaration mixes up relatively unimportant issues with the most vital economic and social questions. It combines rather incongruously the modern with the old and provisions suggested by the reason and science with provisions based purely on sentiment and prejudice. Sir Ivor Jennings too pointed out that these principles have no consistent philosophy.

    Conservative
    According to Sir Ivor Jennings, the Directives are based on the political philosophy of the 18th century England. He remarked: “The ghstsof Sydney Webb Beatrice Webb stalk through the pages of the text. Part IV of the Constitution expresses Fabian Socialism with out of the Socialism. He opined that the Directives ‘are deemed to be suitable in India in the middle of the twentieth century. The question whether they are suitable for the twenty-first century cannot be answered; but it is quite probable that they will be entirely out moded.

    Constitutional Conflict
    K Santhanam has pointed out that the Directives lead to a constitutional conflict (a) between the Centre and the State, (b) between the President and the Prime Minister, and (c) between the governor and the chief minister. According to him, the Centre can give directions to the State with regard to the implementation of these principles, and in case of non-compliance, candismiss the State government Similarly, when the Prime Minister gets a bill (which violates Directive Principles) passed by the Parliament, the president may reject the bill on the ground that these principles are fundamental to the governance of the country and hence, the ministry has no right to ignore them. The same constitutional conflict may occur between the governor and the chief minister at the state level.

  • Utility of Directive Principles

    In this article, we will discuss Utility of Directive Principles. So, let’s get started.

    Utility of Directive Principles

    In spite of the above criticisms and short comings, the Directive Principles are not an unnecessary appendage to the Constitution. The Constitution itself declares that they are fundamental to the governance of the country. According to L.M, Slnghvi, an eminent jurist and diplomat, “the Directives are the life giving provisions of the Constitution. They constitute the stuff of the Constitution and its philosophy of social justice”, M.C. Chagla, former Chiet Justice of India, is of the opinion that, “if all these principles are fully carried out, our country would indeed be a heaven on earth. India would then be not only democracy in the political sense, but also a welfare state looking after the welfare of its citizens””. Dr. B.R. Ambedkar had pointed out that the Directives have great value becausc they lay down that the goal of Indian polity is ‘economic democracy’ as distinguished from ‘political democracy’. Granville Austin opined that the Directive Principles are ‘aimed at furthering the goals of the social revolution or to foster this revolution by establishing the conditions necessary for its achivement. Sir B.N. Rau, the constitutional advisor to the Constituent Assembly, stated that the Directive Principles are intended as ‘moral precepts for the authorities of the state. They have at least an educative value’. According to M.C. Setalvad, the former Attorney General of India, the Directive Principles, although confer no legal rights and create no legal remedies, are significant and useful in the following ways:

    1. They are like an “Instrument of Instructions’ or general recommendations addressed to all authorities in the Indian Union. They remind them of the basic principles of the new social and economic order, which the Constitution aims at building.
    2. They have served as useful beacon-lights to the courts. They have helped the Courts in exercising their power of judicial review, that is, the power to determine the constitutional validity of a law.
    3. They form the dominating background to all State action, legislative or executive and also a guide to the courts in some respects.
    4. They amplify the Preamble, which Solemnly resolves to secure to all Citizens of India justice, liberty, equality and fraternity.

    The Directives also play the following roles:

    1 They facilitate stability and continuity in domestic and foreign policies in political, economic and social spheres in spite of the changes of the party in power.
    2. They are supplementary to the fundamental rights of the citizens. They are intended to fill in the vacuum in Part IIl by providing for social and economic rights.
    3. Their implementation creates a favourable atmosphere for the full and proper enjoyment of the fundamental rights by the citizens. Political dermocracy, without economic democracy, has no meaning.
    4. They enable the opposition to exercise influence and control over the operations of the government. The Opposition can blame the ruling party on the ground that its activities are opposed to the Directives.
    5. They serve as a crucial test for the performance of the government. The people can examine the policies and programmes of the government in the light of these constitutional declarations.
    6. They serve as common political manifesto. ‘A ruling party, irrespective of its political ideology, has to recognise the fact that these principles are intended to be its guide, philosopher and friend in its legislative and executive acts.

  • नागरिक अधिकारों का संरक्षण अधिनियम, 1955

    इस लेख में नागरिक अधिकारों का संरक्षण अधिनियम, 1955 को संक्षिप्त में विश्लेषित किया गया है।

    नागरिक अधिकारों का संरक्षण अधिनियम, 1955

    नागरिक अधिकारों का संरक्षण अधिनियम 1955 दिनांक 8 मई, 1995 को अस्तित्व में आया था। इस अधिनियम के माध्यम से प्रत्येक व्यक्ति को निम्नलिखित अधिकार प्राप्त हैं:
    धारा: 3 धार्मिक अधिकार
    1. वह किसी लोक पूजा स्थल पर प्रवेश कर सकता है. जो उसके धर्म के लोगों के लिए खोला गया है।
    2. किसी पूजा स्थल में पूजा/प्रार्थना कर सकता है।
    3. किसी पवित्र सरोवर (तालाब), नदी, कुएं चश्मे आदि में सेवा कर सकता है तथा स्नान कर सकता है।
    नोट: उपरोक्त कार्य के लिए कोई भी व्यक्ति छुआछूत करेगा तो वह नियम के अनुसार कम-से-कम एक माह या अधिक-से-अधिक 6 माह के कारावास तथा कम-से-कम ₹ 100 और अधिक-से-अधिक ₹ 500 जुर्माना तक दंडित किया जा सकेगा।

    धारा :4 सामाजिक अधिकार
    1. कोई भी व्यक्ति किसी दुकान, पब्लिक रेस्टोरेन्ट, होटल या लोक मनोरंजन स्थान में प्रवेश कर सकता है ।
    2. वह किसी आम रेस्तरां (रेस्टोरेन्ट). होटल, धर्मशाला, सराय या मुसाफिर खाना में रखे बर्तनों या अन्य वस्तुओं का, जो जन-साधारण या उसी धर्म के लोगों के प्रयोग में लाये जाते है, प्रयोग कर सकता है।
    3. वह किसी व्यवसाय या व्यापार या कारोबार या किसी भी कार्य में रोजगार कर सकता है।
    4. वह किसी नदी, जल धारा, जल स्रोत. चश्मे, कुए. तालाब, हौज, पानी के नल या पानी के स्थान घाट, कब्रिस्तान या श्मशान भूमि या शौचालय सुविधा, सड़क, रास्ते या किसी अन्य सार्वजनिक स्थान, जो आम जनता के सदस्यों या उसके किसी भाग , जिसका वह सदस्य है, का प्रयोग करने या उस पर अधिकार रखते हैं, पर जा सकता है।
    5. वह ऐसे स्थान जिसका प्रयोग धर्मार्थ (चैरिटेबल) या सार्वजनिक स्थल के रूप में किया जाता है और जो पूरी तौर पर या आंशिक रूप से राज्य निधि द्वारा संचालित है या जन-साधारण या उसके किसी भाग के प्रयोग के लिए समर्पित हो, का प्रयोग कर सकता है।
    6. वह किसी धर्मार्थ ट्रस्ट के अधीन किसी लाभ की प्राप्ति करने के लिए आम जनता या उसके किसी भाग, जिसका वह सदस्य हो, के लाभ का उपयोग कर सकता है।
    7. वह किसी भी सार्वजनिक सवारी का उपयोग या उसमें प्रवेश कर सकता है।
    8. वह किसी भी बस्ती में घर बना सकता है तथा रह सकता है।
    9. वह किसी धर्मशाला, सराय या मुसाफिर खाना, जो जन-साधारण के लिए या उसके किसी भाग के लिए खुला हो, का प्रयोग कर सकता है।
    10. वह किसी सामाजिक या धार्मिक रीति रिवाज या प्रजा का कार्य, किसी धार्मिक, सामाजिक या सांस्कृतिक जुलूस में भाग ले सकता है या जुलूस निकाल सकता है। वह वस्त्र या जेवरात का प्रयोग कर सकता है।

    नोटः यदि कोई व्यक्ति छुआछूत के आधार पर यह कार्य करने से रोकेगा अथवा बाधा पहुंचाएगा तो वह कम-से-कम एक माह तथा अधिकतम 6 माह के कारावास सहित कम-से-कम ₹ 100 रुपये तथा अधिक-से-अधिक ₹ 500 के दण्ड से दण्डनीय होगा।
    धारा: 5 अस्पताल आदि में अधिकार
    वह किसी अस्पताल, दवाखाना, शिक्षण संस्था या किसी होस्टल (छात्रावास), जो आम लोगों या उसके किसी भाग के लिए बनाए या स्थापित किए गए हैं, उनमें प्रवेश ले सकता है।

    नोट: इन संस्थाओं में से किसी संस्था में प्रवेश देने के बाद भेदभाव करने वाला व्यक्ति कम-से-कम एक माह और अधिक-से-अधिक 6 माह की सजा तथा कम-से-कम ₹ 100 तथा अधिक से अधिक ₹ 500 के जुर्माने से दण्डनीय होगा।
    धारा: 6 वस्तुएँ बेचने और सेवाएं प्रदान करने का अधिकार
    कोई व्यक्ति जो छुआछूत (अस्पृश्यता) के आधार पर किसी व्यक्ति को वस्तुएं बेचने या सेवाएं देने से इंकार करें, जो उसी समय उसी स्थान पर उन्हीं सही शर्तों के आधार पर कारोबार के सामान्य अनुक्रम में अन्य लोगों को बेची जाती है या सेवाएं प्रदान की जाती है, तो ऐसे व्यक्ति कारावास के दण्ड की ऐसी अवधि कम-से-कम एक माह या अधिक से अधिक 6 माह तक हो सकेगी और साथ में जुर्माने से जो कम से कम ₹100 तथा अधिक से अधिकर 500 तक हो सकेगा, से दण्डनीय होंगे।
    धारा: 7 छुआछूत/ अस्पृश्यता पर आधारित अन्य अपराधों के लिए दण्ड: कोई व्यक्ति जो:

    1. किसी व्यक्ति को संविधान के अनुच्छेद, 17 के अनुसार छुआछूत का उन्मूलन होने पर, उसे प्राप्त किसी अधिकार का प्रयोग करने से रोके।
    2. किसी व्यकित को किसी ऐसे अधिकार का प्रयोग करने से रोके, क्षति पहुंचाए, क्रोधित करें (गुस्सा दिलाये), रूकावट डाले या रुकावट डालने का प्रयत्न करें या ऐसे अधिकार का प्रयोग करने पर पीड़ा पहुंचाए या बॉयकाट (बहिष्कार) करे।
    3. किसी व्यक्ति को या किसी वर्ग के व्यक्तियों को या साधारण जनता को शब्दों से बोलकर या लिखकर इशारों से या दिखाकर या किसी अन्य प्रकार से छुआछूत प्रयोग करने के लिए उकसाए या लोगों को ऐसा करने के लिए प्रोत्साहित करें।
    4. छुआछूत के आधार पर अनुसूचित जाति के किसी सदस्य का अपमान करने का प्रयत्न करे तो ऐसा व्यक्ति, कारावास के दण्ड की ऐसी अवधि जो कम से कम एक माह और अधिक से अधिक 6 माह तक तथा कम-से-कम एक सौ रुपया और अधिक-से-अधिक 500 तक जुर्माना से दण्डनीय होगा।
    5. किसी व्यक्ति के विषय में समझा जाएगा कि वह बॉयकाट (बहिष्कार) करता है. यदि वह:
    (क) किसी ऐसे अन्य व्यक्ति को, कोई गृह या भूमि किराये पर देने से या उसका प्रयोग करने देने से या अधिकार में रखने की आज्ञा देने से इंकार करें या उसके साथ लेन-देन करने से इंकार करें, उसके साथ कोई कारोबार करने या कोई सेवा लेने या देने से इंकार करें या इन बातों में से किसी को ऐसी शर्तों पर करने से इंकार कर जिनके आधार पर ऐसी बातें कारोबार के साधारण अनुक्रम में आमतौर से की जाती है या
    (ख) ऐसे सामाजिक, व्यवसायिक या व्यापारिक संबंधों से अपने आपको अलग कर लेता है, जो वह ऐसे अन्य व्यक्ति के साथ आमतौर से बनाये रखता है।
    (ग) खण्ड ‘ग’ के प्रयोजनों के लिए किसी व्यक्ति के बारे में समझा जाएगा कि वह छुआछूत को बढ़ावा देता है या प्रोत्साहित करता है, यदि वहः
    1. प्रत्यक्ष या अप्रत्यक्ष छुआछूत (अस्पृश्यता) का प्रचार करता है या किसी भी रूप में इसको व्यवहार में लाने का उपदेश देता है।
    2. किसी भी रूप में हुआछूत के आचरण को ऐतिहासिक, दार्शनिक, धार्मिक या जाति व्यवस्था की किसी प्रथा के आधार पर या किसी अन्य आधार पर न्यायोचित ठहरायेगा।

    धाराः 7-1/ए
    अनुच्छेद. 17 के अधीन अधिकारः जो कोई व्यक्ति संविधान के अनुच्छेद 17 के अधीन छुआछूत उन्मूलन के कारण किसी अन्य व्यक्ति को प्राप्त किसी ऐसे अधिकार का प्रयोग किए जाने पर विरोध के रूप में या बदला लेने की भावना से उसके शरीर या सम्पत्ति के विरुद्ध कोई अपराध करता है, तो वह अपराध जहां 2 वर्ष की अवधि के कारावास से दण्डनीय है, वहां कम-कम 2 वर्ष की अवधि के कारावास और जुर्माने से भी दण्डनीय होगा।

    धारा:7-2
    सामुदायिक अधिकार- जो कोई व्यक्ति,
    1. अपने समुदाय या उसके भाग से संबंधित या अन्य व्यक्ति को किसी ऐसे अधिकार या विशेषाधिकार से वंचित रखेगा. जिसके लिए वह व्यक्ति उस समुदाय या उसके भाग का सदस्य होने के नाते अधिकार रखता है।
    2. ऐसे व्यक्ति को जाति से निष्कासित करने में कोई भाग ले या उस व्यक्ति ने अस्पृश्यता को मानने से इंकार कर दिया हो, जिससे इस एक्ट का मन्तव्य पूरा होने में बाधा उत्पन्न हुई हो, तो ऐसा व्यक्ति कारावास की ऐसी अवधि से, जो कम-से-कम एक माह और अधिक-से-अधिक 6 माह और कम-से-कम ₹100 और अधिक-से-अधिक ₹500 तक के जुर्माने से दण्डनीय होगा।

    धारा 7-क
    अवैध अनिवार्य श्रम को कब छुआछूत समझा जायेगा
    1. जब कोई व्यक्ति जो किसी अन्य व्यक्ति को अस्पृश्यता (छुआछूत) के आधार पर सफाई करने, झाडू लगाने, मरे हुए पशु को हटाने, पशु की खाल उतारने, नाल काटने या इसी प्रकार का कोई अन्य काम करने के लिए मजबूर करेगा तो उसके बारे में यह समझा जाएगा कि उसने अस्पृश्यता के कारण पैदा होने वाली अयोग्यता को लागू किया है।
    2. जिस व्यक्ति के बारे में उपधारा (क) के अधीन यह धारणा की जाती है कि उसने अस्पृश्यता द्वारा पैदा ऐसी अयोग्यता को लागू किया है, जिसके फलस्वरूप नागरिक अधिकार संरक्षण अधिनियम, 1955 का मन्तव्य पूरा होने में बाधा हुई तो वह व्यक्ति कम-से-कम 3 माह और अधिक-से-अधिक 6 माह तक की अवधि के कारावास और ऐसे जुर्माने से भी जो कम-से-कम ₹ 100 और अधिक-से-अधिक ₹ 500 तक हो सकता है, से दण्डनीय होगा।
    3. इस धारा के प्रयोजनों के लिए मजबूर करने के अंतर्गत सामाजिक या आर्थिक बायकाट (बहिष्कार) करने की धमकी भी शामिल है।

    धारा: 10
    अपराध का दुष्प्रेरण
    1. कोई व्यक्ति जो एक एक्ट के अधीन किसी अपराध का दुष्प्रेरण करेगा, वह उसी अपराध के दण्ड से दण्डित किया जायेगा, जो उस अपराध के लिए निर्धारित है।

    धारा: 13/15
    सिविल न्यायालयों के अधिकार क्षेत्र की परिसीमा
    1. कोई भी सिविल न्यायलय न कोई ऐसा वाद (मुकद्दमा) या कार्यवाई ग्रहण करेगा या जारी रखेगा और न ही कोई हुक्मनामा (डिक्री) या आदेश देगा या किसी ऐसे हुक्मनामे (डिक्री) या आदेश का पूरी तौर पर या आंशिक रूप से निष्पादन (तामील) करेगा, यदि ऐसा निष्पादन किसी भी प्रकार से, नागरिक अधिकार संरक्षण अधिनियम, 1995 के प्रावधानों के प्रतिकूल हो।
    2. कोई भी न्यायालय किसी भी मामले के न्याय संबंध फैसले में या किसी हुक्मनामा (डिक्री) या आदेश के निष्पादन में किसी व्यक्ति पर अस्पृश्यता के आधार पर कोई अयोग्यता लागू करने वाली किसी रूढ़ि या प्रथा को मान्यता नहीं देगा।
    3. दण्ड प्रक्रिया सहित 1973 (1974 का 2) में किसी बात के होते हुए भी नागरिक अधिकार संरक्षण अधिनियम, 1955 के अधीन दण्डनीय प्रत्येक अपराध संज्ञेय अपराध होगा और प्रत्येक अपराध, सिवाय उन अपराधों में जहां सजा कम-से-कम तीन माह की अवधि से अधिक कारावास से दण्डनीय हो, पर जूडिशियल मजिस्ट्रेट प्रथम श्रेणी या महानगर क्षेत्र में मेट्रोपोलिटन मजिस्ट्रेट द्वारा संहिता में बतायी गयी प्रक्रिया के अनुसार संक्षेपतः (समरी ट्रायल) विचार किया जा सकेगा।
    4. दण्ड प्रक्रिया संहिता 1973 (1974 का 2) में किसी बात के होते हुए भी, जब किसी लोक सेवक पर यह आरोप लगाया गया हो कि उसने अपने पद के कर्तव्यों का पालन करते हुए या कार्य करते समय, नागरिक अधिकार संरक्षण अधिनियम के अधीन दण्डनीय किसी अपराध का दुष्प्रेरण करने का अपराध किया है, तो भी न्यायालय दुष्प्रेरण के अपराध की सुनवाई:
    (क) संघ के कार्यों के संबंध में नियुक्त व्यक्ति के मामले में केन्द्रीय सरकार की अनुमति के बिना नहीं करेगा।
    (ख) किसी राज्य के कार्यों के संबंध में नियुक्त व्यक्ति के मामले में राज्य सरकार की पूर्व अनुमति के बिना नहीं करेगा।